Afghanistan - Foreign Relations
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty January 3, WASHINGTON — U.S. President Donald Trump urged other countries, specifically Russia, Pakistan, and . For the last decade and a half, Russia and the United States have had largely similar aims in Afghanistan. Today, however, Moscow is. "I understand perfectly well that if you [Russia] build new relations with Pakistan and Afghanistan, you can help us. Not the Britons as we kicked.
Additionally, he sent troops as well as diplomats to neighbouring countries to build up foreign relations and decrease Afghanistan's dependence on the Soviet Union, seeking instead closer relations to the west and the United States. On December 5,the two countries signed a year friendship treaty. First, the Soviet belief that Afghanistan had strategic importance for the security of their borders. This belief was consistent with longstanding Russian foreign policy that emphasized security through expansionism and the establishment of physical barriers in the form of buffer states.
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- Soviet–Afghan War
The second reason for invasion was the possibility of interrupting Chinese and American efforts to establish greater political influence in Afghanistan before Soviet intervention would entail direct confrontation of those two rival powers. The third reason was to enforce the dominance of Marxist—Leninist revolutionary ideals, above the emergent Nationalist Islamic ideology in Afghanistan.
Lastly, the Soviets were not above the imperial advantages of direct intervention and occupation. In particular, they were interested in securing unfettered access to the raw materials and inexpensive manufactured goods of their smaller neighbour. Around this time, the Soviets were also experiencing success in influencing affairs in the Middle East, such as the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula.
The invasion earned the Soviet Union almost universal condemnation by the international community.
The Soviet Union supported the Najibullah regime even after the withdrawal of Soviet troops in February The Russian Federation[ edit ] InTajik rebels based in Afghanistan attacked a Russian border outpost in Tajikistan amid the Tajikistani Civil Warkilling 25 Russians and prompting Russian retaliatory strikes,  which caused extensive damage in northern Afghanistan. Reports of Afghan support for the rebels, part of the United Tajik Opposition against the Dushanbe government, led to cool relations between Russia and Afghanistan.
Russia became increasingly disenchanted with the Taliban over their support for Chechen rebels and for providing a sanctuary for terrorist groups active in Central Asia and in Russia itself.
The Islamist insurgency issued its reaction a day before delegates from Afghanistan as well as its immediate and far neighbors are due to meet in Moscow to resume what Russian officials refer to as consultations on prospects for Afghan security and national reconciliation. Russian officials have strongly rejected allegations they are providing weapons to the Taliban, though they have publicly acknowledged maintaining contacts with the insurgents.
Russia-Afghanistan Relations | Afghan Online Press
Russia may be supplying the Taliban as they fight U. Igor Konashenkov said 24 March Nicholson did not, however, address whether Russia was supplying the terrorist group. Background With the failure of the communist hardliners to take over the Soviet government in AugustNajibullah's supporters in the Soviet Army lost their power to dictate Afghan policy.
The effect was immediate. On September 13, the Soviet government, now dominated by Boris Yeltsin, agreed with the United States on a mutual cutoff of military aid to both sides in the Afghan civil war. It was to begin January 1, The post-coup Soviet government then attempted to develop political relations with the Afghan resistance.
In mid-November it invited a delegation of the resistance's AIG to Moscow where the Soviets agreed that a transitional government should prepare Afghanistan for national elections. The Soviets did not insist that Najibullah or his colleagues participate in the transitional process.
Having been cut adrift both materially and politically, Najibullah's faction torn government began to fall apart. During the nearly three years that the Kabul government had successfully defended itself against mujahidin attacks, factions within the government had also developed quasi-conspiratorial connections with its opponents.
Even during the Soviet war Kabul's officials had arranged case-fires, neutral zones, highway passage and even passes allowing unarmed mujahidin to enter towns and cities. As the civil war developed into a stalemate insuch arrangements proliferated into political understandings.
Combat generally ceased around Qandahar because most of the mujahidin commanders had an understanding with its provincial governor. Ahmad Shah Massoud developed an agreement with Kabul to keep the vital north-south highway open after the Soviet withdrawal.
The greatest mujahidin victory during the civil war, the capture of Khost, was achieved through the collaboration of its garrison. Hekmatyar's cooperation with Tanai, the Khalqi Defense Minister is discussed above.
Interaction with opponents became a major facet of Najibullah's defensive strategy, Many mujahidin groups were literally bought off with arms, supplies and money to become militias defending towns, roads and installations.Russia Keen To Work With India On Afghanistan
Such arrangements carried the danger of backfiring. When Najibullah's political support ended and the money dried up, such allegiances crumbled. Moscow maintained an apparent distance from the Afghan conflict for many years. In fact, Russia even supported the US invasion of Afghanistan in and the subsequent toppling of the Taliban regime. At the time, former Afghan President Hamid Karzai rightly said that Afghanistan was probably the only place where the interests of Moscow and Washington didn't clash.
Russia first established contacts with the Taliban leadership in to discuss the issue of drug trafficking through Central Asian countries that share borders with Afghanistan. Now there are reports that Moscow is again in contact with the Taliban. But this time the Moscow-Taliban contacts were not limited to talks on drug trafficking, according to analysts. Demonstrating growing engagement with the main military opposition player in Afghanistan was what it ultimately wanted to achieve.
Engaging the Taliban in the s The November 9 conference was not the first time Russia and the Taliban had come together to talk.
The armed group sought to establish relations with Russia as early aswhen the armed group already controlled a number of southern provinces in the country, including Kandahar. It was that year that I had the opportunity to visit Afghanistan and meet some members of the Taliban leadership. In Augusta Russian cargo plane was forced to land in Kandahar International Airport by a Taliban fighter jet and its leaders used the opportunity to send a message to the Russian government. I was one of a group of journalists that the Taliban allowed to visit the detained crew of the plane and had the opportunity to meet some of their leadership.
One of them, a man who held a position equivalent of a governor, asked me to convey a special request to the Russian government to supply the Taliban with a map of the minefields in Kandahar, which the Soviet army had set up during its military intervention in the s.
At that time, much work was being done to de-mine these areas.
The first unofficial contacts between Russia and the Taliban were established in the second half of the s, after the latter defeated the government of the Mujahedeen in Kabul in April and sought international recognition for their regime. Communication between the Taliban and Moscow eventually resulted in a closed meeting in Ashgabad, the capital of Turkmenistan arranged for by the late Turkmen leader Saparmurat Niyazov. A Russian delegation met Taliban representatives who put forward one demand: The Russian government deemed it unreasonable to accept the demand and as a result no further meetings were held.
In hindsight, this decision was perhaps a major diplomatic mistake. The Taliban leadership at that time was clearly willing to engage and was much less hostile to Russia than the current onewhich Moscow could have used to its advantage.
But at that time, the Russian government insisted on maintaining relations with the government of the Mujahideen, led by Rabbani, Ahmad Shah Massoud and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, rather than with an armed group supported by the Pakistani intelligence which they hardly understood.