Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony: A Friendship that Changed the World |
Penny Colman's new book, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony: A Friendship that Changed the World, tells a compelling story for readers, and. Information and Articles About Elizabeth Cady Stanton, a Women's Rights refused to obey one with whom I supposed I was entering into an equal relation. Anthony and Stanton increasingly tied female suffrage and black suffrage together. Along with Susan B. Anthony, Stanton fueled the movement for women's suffrage. .. While the relationship between Stanton and Anthony remained stable, the.
Selden deposited it for her. But when learned that if sent to jail, she could challenge the proceeding under federal habeas corpus, she attempted belatedly to have bail canceled. He directed a verdict of guilty and imposed a fine on Anthony — although when she refused to pay, he shrewdly refrained from imprisoning her and therefore exposing his ruling to federal challenge.
Anthony had emerged a heroine. An idealistic reformer, she had shown herself willing to submit to the unappealing and unfamiliar conditions of a nineteenth-century jail for the sake of her convictions. Her case had pointed up the need for a new constitutional amendment. Anthony did not live to see the consummation of her efforts to win the right to vote for women.
She died at the age of 86 in She showed her strength and optimism until the end. A change was taking place in public perception of the movement. They claimed that women would bring a purifying influence to politics and public life. William Howard Taft had cautiously told women to collect more signatures on their petitions before he would take up their cause.
Neither did Woodrow Wilson in his agenda. Anthony began publishing the weekly newspaper The Revolution in New York City, with editorials often written by Stanton. The paper provided a strong counterpoint to the prejudices evident in most other newspapers of the day, arguing for equal rights, suffrage, and equal pay.
In NovemberStanton joined the New York Lyceum Bureau, which was an organization that provided lectures, dramatic performances, class instruction, and debates and was instrumental in adult continuing education and was part of the cultural fabric of the 19th-century life. Stanton would travel and lecture, mainly in the Midwest and on the western frontier, for about eight months of the year untiladdressing a wide variety of topics for a wider audience than the suffrage conventions she had previously limited herself to.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton - HISTORY
One of her most popular speeches, Our Girls, addressed the education and socialization of girls in a way that challenged the traditional way that girls were reared; it was a practical way to spread the principals of equality that Stanton had long fought for.
When she stopped lecturing inshe had more time to devote to writing and travel, though she continued to give three or four major speeches a year. She and Anthony had begun writing what would be a 3-volume history of the suffrage movement; volumes one and two of the History of Woman Suffrage were published in and Stanton worked on the third volume, published inin and when she resumed housekeeping to take care of her aging husband—Henry Stanton died in Final Years, Legacy In the s, Stanton further distanced herself from the more conservative, mainly Christian leaders of the National American Woman Suffrage Association—she believed that Christianity was inherently sexist, relegating women to an inferior position in society.
While she had been unable to obtain a formal college degree, both of her daughters earned advanced degrees; Margaret attended Vassar and Columbia, while Harriot obtained both undergraduate and graduate degrees from Vassar. On the morning of July 19,the year-old glove maker drove in a horse-drawn wagon to the Wesleyan Methodist Chapel in the upstate New York town of Seneca Falls. To her surprise, Woodward found dozens of other women and a group of men waiting to enter the chapel, all of them as eager as she to learn what a discussion of "the social, civil, and religious rights of women" might produce.
The convention was the brainchild of year-old Elizabeth Cady Stanton, daughter of Margaret and Judge Daniel Cady and wife of Henry Stanton, a noted abolitionist politician. Born in Johnstown, New York, Cady Stanton demonstrated both an intellectual bent and a rebellious spirit from an early age. In she provoked her father by marrying Stanton, a handsome, liberal reformer and further defied convention by deliberately omitting the word "obey" from her wedding vows.
Marriage to Henry Stanton brought Elizabeth Cady Stanton—she insisted on retaining her maiden name—into contact with other independent-minded women. The newlyweds spent their honeymoon at the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London where, much to their chagrin, women delegates were denied their seats and deprived of a voice in the proceedings. Among the delegates was Lucretia Coffin Mott, a liberal Hicksite Quaker preacher and an accomplished public speaker in the American abolitionist movement, who was also disillusioned by the lack of rights granted women.
I felt a new born sense of dignity and freedom. Eight years passed, however, before they fulfilled their mutual goal. For the first years of her marriage, Cady Stanton settled happily into middle-class domestic life, first in Johnstown and subsequently in Boston, then the hub of reformist activity.
At tea, Cady Stanton poured out to the group "the torrent of my long-accumulating discontent. Hoping to attract a large audience, they placed an unsigned notice in the Courier, advertising Lucretia Mott as the featured speaker.
They had only three days to set an agenda and prepare a document "for the inauguration of a rebellion. The document declared that, "all men and women are created equal" and "are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights…" These natural rights belong equally to women and men, but man "has usurped the prerogative of Jehovah himself, claiming it as his right to assign for her a sphere of action, when that belongs to her conscience and to her God.
Women were denied access to higher education, the professions, and the pulpit, as well as equal pay for equal work. If married, they had no property rights; even the wages they earned legally belonged to their husbands.
Women were subject to a different moral code, yet legally bound to tolerate moral delinquencies in their husbands. Wives could be punished, and in a case of divorce, a mother had no child custody rights.
When Cady Stanton insisted upon including a resolution favoring voting rights for women, her otherwise supportive husband threatened to boycott the event. Even Lucretia Mott warned her, "Why Lizzie, thee will make us ridiculous!
Henry Stanton left town. When the organizers arrived at the Wesleyan Chapel on the morning of Wednesday, July 19th, they found the door locked. As the church filled with spectators, another dilemma presented itself. After a hasty council at the altar, the leadership decided to let the men stay, since they were already seated and seemed genuinely interested.
Tall and dignified in his Quaker garb, James Mott called the first session to order at Cady Stanton, in what was her first public speech, rose to state the purpose of the convention. The NWSA statement of purpose was far-reaching: At this time, Stanton and Anthony were in agreement that cautious, careful people always casting about to preserve their reputation and social standing, never can bring about a reform.
Those who are really in earnest must be willing to be anything or nothing in the world's estimation, and publicly and privately, in season and out, avow their sympathy with despised and persecuted ideas and advocates, and bear the consequences.
GriffithTo keep the issue of suffrage before the public, Stanton and Anthony gave speeches around the country, even touring every county in Kansas by sleigh in the dead of winter. At every stop, they collected petitions that they delivered to state and national legislators.
Their speeches were stirring, but as Stanton noted, they did not fully reflect the real rage in hers and Anthony's hearts. Their newspaper, The Revolution, with its motto "Men, their rights, and nothing more; women, their rights, and nothing less" Barryreached thousands and gave their more radical views an outlet. Anthony also took the step of engaging in civil disobedience by voting illegally in While awaiting trial, she visited every village in her county to educate any possible jurors.
The judge then ordered a change of venue whereupon Anthony canvassed the new county.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton
Ultimately, the judge who had prepared his opinion before the case had even begun directed the jury to bring in a guilty verdict. Although he tried to silence Anthony after his verdict, insisting that she had been tried according to the forms of law, she challenged his command, citing the revolutionary maxim "Resistance to tyranny is obedience to God" Barry Anthony and Stanton also used national holidays and celebrations to put forward their own platform.
On the occasion of the Centennial of the Fourth of July, Anthony and a few others infiltrated the official celebration at Independence Hall by obtaining reporters' passes; once inside, they boldly made their way up to the platform after the Declaration of Independence was read, and Anthony read the Declaration of Rights for Women, which then became part of the day's proceedings. Over a decade later, the movement celebrated Foremothers' Day as a counterpoint to Forefathers' Day, to which the women had never been invited.
The same year as the Centennial protest, Stanton, Anthony, and Mathilda Gage agreed to write a general history of women's rights with sketches of the movement's leaders so that the battles of the past would not be forgotten.
The History of Woman Suffrage proved to be an enormous undertaking, growing to four volumes during Anthony's lifetime and two more published after her death. In addition to reaching out to American women, Stanton and Anthony traveled to Europe and organized an International Council of Women in Anthony tried to unite all reform-minded women to vote, whatever their differences on other issues, while Stanton challenged women whenever she thought them too conservative on a wide variety of issues.
Anthony resolved to stay non-partisan so that the women's movement could obtain support from men in both political parties. A suffrage-first strategy was anathema to Stanton: I cannot sing suffrage evermore; I am deeply interested in all the questions of the day.
But Anthony's supporters were often critical of Stanton, charging that her enthusiasms were counterproductive: Stanton's greatest delight," wrote Harriet Upton Taylor, "was to spring some quite radical statement on the assemblage The contrasting approaches of the two women were evident when Frederick Douglass married a white woman, and Stanton and Anthony differed on the appropriate response of the movement.
Stanton was about to make a statement supporting Douglass's interracial marriage, but Anthony argued against it. The issue was not the intermarriage question, but her desire to keep the suffrage movement out of a controversy that might divide its supporters. Stanton's systematic critique of Christianity became a major cause of division within the suffrage movement. In the late nineteenth century, Christian ideology was gaining strength in the movement.
Centered in the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Christian reformers were agitating for a constitutional amendment recognizing Christianity, and demanding state and local laws enforcing Sunday closings, censorship, anti-divorce, and other social purity legislation. This was not a hospitable environment for Stanton's publication The Woman's Bible, a feminist commentary on the Old Testament.
Stanton insisted that religions be denounced "for their degrading teaching with regard to women" Stanton Moderation and Its Consequences Eventually, Anthony questioned her belief that political power in the hands of women would change and elevate politics in the country. This year it is Mrs.
Stanton; next year it may be I or one of yourselves who may be the victim," she insisted. Anthony had underestimated the impact of the younger, less radical women on the women's suffrage movement. The women's clubs had refused to be associated with any political issues and avoided controversy. Some of the new suffragists argued for women's rights by stating that these would improve the quality of housekeeping and child care. Instead of challenging the domination of women in the home, activists argued instead that women's private sphere would remain unchanged if women got the vote, and that men should therefore not fear women's suffrage Barry This new generation of suffragists rejected anti-clerical action as politically inexpedient.
By dissociating themselves from radicals, they found it easier to acquire money and legitimacy. As radical suffragists were attacked for trying to destroy home and family, the club women and social housekeeping suffragists began to look more acceptable as the alternative to the radical change that Stanton and Anthony had once envisioned.
Suffrage soon became an end in itself, rather than a means by which women would bring about a radical change in male-female relations. Carrie Chapman Catt to whom Anthony bequeathed the leadership of NAWSA and her colleagues managed to convince most American women that obtaining the vote would itself guarantee a solution to the problems arising from women's inequality.
Once they were enfranchised, many suffragists packed up their banners and went home, confident that they had ensured perfect justice for their sex. Stanton died inAnthony four years later. The last minutes of their lives provide a striking contrast.
Stanton's daughter recalled that two hours before her death, the eighty-seven-year-old woman had herself fully dressed and "drew herself up very erect and there she stood for seven or eight minutes, steadily looking out proudly before her.