Murasoli maran and karunanidhi relationship counseling

Biju Patnaik and Karunanidhi: The Untold Story | OTV

Sandhya Ravishankar describes the thorny relationship between the two Two Union ministers, T R Baalu and Murasoli Maran too were arrested. hole in the throat closed with a finger and speech therapist Ranjith began. are aware of the deep connection that Biju Patnaik had with Karunanidhi. Biju got wind of the scheduled meeting, and on his advice, Charan Singh who contacted Murasoli Maran and repeatedly urged him to forget the. Murasoli Maran (Tamil: முரசொலி மாறன்) (17 August – 23 November ) was an important leader of the.

On the 11th Sept, Biju Patnaik asked for an appointment with Karunanidhi to discuss an important issue. The next day he landed at Madras and met him at his residence.

When emotions overwhelmed Karunanidhi

After the discussion, I had put a few conditions for the merger. In lieu, Karunanidhi would be Party President for life. Besides, the DMK had properties and buildings in various places all over Tamil Nadu, and it was also the party founded by Anna. Hence the name DMK would continue. Biju Patnaik was elated since he had expected much tougher terms for what seemed impossible. In fact, Karunanidhi writes that a very happy Biju hugged him after he gave his consent.

Biju arranged for a meeting between the Chiefs of the two parties at the Chepauk Guest House the next day. Following the meeting, the two sides agreed to the conditions, and the leaders decided to convene emergency Executive Council meetings of their respective parties to pass resolutions on the merger. It was decided that MGR would convene a meeting of the Executive Council of his party near Vellore the next day and that Karunanidhi would conduct a similar exercise in Chennai.

The DMK leaders too started airing their dissent. I think the poll alliances of the two parties will be different. For Biju Patnaik, it was a failed attempt to put a check on the Congress rising. He just shrugged off the incident as another unsuccessful venture.

She sent her close confidante C. This was the second time in Karunanidhi's political career that he would severely underestimate an opponent. Jayalalithaa turned out to be a skilled administrator and a political tactician who honed what she had learnt from her mentor MGR as also from her bitterest foe Karunanidhi. On several occasions, she even outdid them. It was an ugly event on March 25, when Karunanidhi and his DMK would find that Jayalalithaa was a force to reckon with.

Karunanidhi, as chief minister, also held the finance portfolio and had begun to read out the budget speech. Jayalalithaa, in the Opposition, heckled him, continually interrupting him and preventing him from going ahead. What happened next depends on whose version is taken into account. Duraimurugan became infamous, subsequently, for allegedly yanking at and tearing Jayalalithaa's saree.

In the melee that ensued, a weeping Jayalalithaa was bodily lifted by her party members and taken out to safety, her hair and clothes in disarray. Outside, to waiting media persons, Jayalalithaa swore that she would never set foot again in the Tamil Nadu assembly until it was a safe place for women.

Irrespective of what the truth was, the people of Tamil Nadu chose to believe a wounded woman. Jayalalithaa also increasingly wooed the Congress under the leadership of Rajiv Gandhi as an ally, leaving the DMK out in the cold. The daylight murder of Padmanabha, the chief of the rival EPRLF, in Madras as Chennai was then knownalong with 12 of his party men and two innocent victims, triggered the furore.

Karunanidhi Pays homage to Murasoli Maran on 83rd birth Anniversary - Live Update, Aug 17)

What made things much worse for Karunanidhi was that a minister in his cabinet, Subbulakshmi Jegadeesan, his own party workers and the state police were accused of aiding the murderers, members of the LTTE, to escape back to their country.

Chandra Shekhar, egged on by ally Rajiv Gandhi, decided to crack down on the state government. The DMK government was dismissed. Four months later, Karunanidhi would find to his horror that the LTTE, whose cause of a separate Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka he had enthusiastically supported, had struck again.

On May 21,a young woman called Dhanu from the LTTE headed to Sriperumbudur to garland Rajiv Gandhi, who was campaigning for elections scheduled to be held a few days later. Strapped to her body was a bomb which exploded, killing the former prime minister, his assassin and 14 others. Tamil Nadu turned its back on Karunanidhi. Jayalalithaa, riding the sympathy wave for the slain Gandhi, an ally, ascended to the chief minister's post for the first time in May But the truth, according to senior journalists in the state, is that Karunanidhi was only playing to the gallery on the issue of the Sri Lankan Tamils and the LTTE.

The second blunder, I said, was to elect Mahinda Rajapaksa in He was very critical of the LTTE. Orders were issued that cabinet ministers must stand up when she arrived to address a public function - which had the immediate result of ministers becoming reluctant to share any public platform with her.

And revenue minister S. Somasundaram's exit from the party in September had more than a little to do with the emergence of Jayalalitha as a major political factor. But with MGR ill and incapacitated,the party bosses lost no time in getting their own back.

When Jayalalitha visited the hospital to call on MGR, she was denied access to his suite. She was given no say in any of the consultations on his treatment. And when, in a desperate effort to stay in the limelight, she issued a statement in the name of the party saying that the doctors had called in Japanese specialists to take a look at the chief minister, the party general secretary P.

Shanmugham denied that the statement had been issued by the party office. Shanmugham told India Today: But that does not mean that I approve of the press release issued by the MP. Somasundaram, could be a key factor in three or four districts. There was some speculation as to whether MGR's 15, manrams fan clubs and their 18 lakh members constituting the backbone of the party machinery would stand by her.

But a prominent leader of the grandiosely-styled All-World MGR Manrams Association put this to rest very quickly when he referred to Jayalalitha in terms that bordered on abuse, and said the fan clubs blamed her for MGR's health problems.

Jayalalitha herself was not available for comment, claiming first that she had no time for a week, and later reporting sick herself.

Tamil Nadu: An uncertain future - Cover Story News - Issue Date: Nov 15,

With virtually every politician of note in the state writing off her political future, her isolation seemed complete. Meanwhile, a more crucial power struggle surfaced in the state cabinet as key ministers jockeyed into position for a succession battle. Three days after the chief minister suffered his crippling stroke, V.

Nedunchezhiyan, finance minister and the No. Khurana privately at Raj Bhavan. The cabinet met two days later amid speculation that Nedunchezhiyan, a political lightweight despite his seniority and experience, had staked his claim to being appointed acting chief minister.

At the cabinet meeting itself. Chokalingam was asked to leave midway through. But the vital political discussion that followed seemed to have led to a stalemate, because the only decision of note was that Nedunchezhiyan would look after the chief minister's files for the time being. This was on the strength of Nedunchezhlyan's word that MGR had orally instructed him along these lines before he suffered his stroke.

But political rivals privately questioned this on two grounds: But Nedunchezhiyan was quick to counter categorically: The governor is supposed to act on the advice of the "council of ministers, headed by the chief minister". But with the chief minister out of action, could the cabinet give the govern or advice that was constitutionally valid?

Indeed, could the cabinet meet at all? And what should the course of action be if the chief minister remained unable to communicate for weeks on end because of his loss of speech and partial paralysis? And I am taking legal advice on what to do. Krishnamurthy, and initially worked out a delicate compromise that came close to cutting constitutional corners.

The cabinet would not meet, but the ministers would sit together informally to sort out files needing interministerial coordination. No major policy decisions would be taken. And the chief minister's advice would be sought as soon as he was in a position to clearly give it. But towards the month-end, Nedunchezhiyan emerged as the de facto chief minister, signalling a temporary victory for him.

Khurana issued a formal notification assigning the chief minister's portfolios to Nedunchezhiyan during the period of the chief minister's treatment, and said Nedunchezhiyan would also convene and preside over cabinet meetings in MGR's absence.

Karunanidhi family - Wikipedia

Right on cue, DMK leader M. Karunanidhi, criticised the "undue haste shown by the governor in allocating all the chief minister's portfolios to the finance minister". These decisions followed official communications that Khurana received on October 20 and 21 from Nedunchezhiyan, from the chief secretary and from the private secretary to the chief minister, all stating that MGR had orally instructed Nedunchezhiyan to look after his portfolios.

And the advocate-general told the governor that the chief minister's oral instructions amounted to "advice" under the Constitution. If that signalled the first phase of the leadership struggle in the party. Nedunchezhiyan sought to consolidate his position by immediately rushing to New Delhi for political consultations with Mrs Gandhi on holding the assembly elections due only in June simultaneously with the Lok Sabha poll, and on continuing the AIADMK-Congress I poll alliance.

Nedunchezhiyan told newsmen in Delhi that even these actions of his were based on MGR's oral instructions a day before he suffered his stroke. How These moves will be viewed by other leaders in the party remains to be seen.

Nedunchezhiyan, despite his standing and seniority, is not a party heayweight. He was the ranking minister in C. Annadurai's cabinet duringbut after Annadurai's death he was beaten in the succession struggle by M. Karunanidhi even though Nedunchezhiyan had been appointed acting chief minister during the final weeks of Annadurai's struggle against cancer.

In case MGR is now unable to return to active politics, will history repeat itself and Nedunchezhiyan be pipped at the post again? Rajaram and Industry Minister C. But the party strongman is R. Veerappan, the minister for information and religious endowments, who has been MGR's trusted aide for many years. Their relationship goes back to MGR's film career, for Veerappan was the production manager for a number of MGR's films and has handled his finances as well.

He has also been a key figure in the party as a patron of the chief minister's fan clubs, and a spokesman of the All-World MGR Manrams Association said that fully half the party's MLA's were "patrons" of the fan clubs, and that all of them would back Veerappan in a leadership struggle. And in a situation where a confused parry wonders which way to turn while its leader lies seriously ill, Mrs Gandhi might well want to call the shots within the AIADMK so that its alliance with the Congress I continues.

For the Congress I an alliance with one of the Kazhagams is critical as the party has no machinery or leadership worth the name in the state. Ramachandran - and Mrs Gandhi might well use him and Nedunchezhiyan to swing the party her way for the coming electoral battle. The installation of Nedunchezhiyan as the de facto chief minister was a clear advantage in such a scenario, and Nedunchezhiyan's comments after his half-hour meeting in New Delhi with Mrs Gandhi suggested that things had gone well.

If these events were consolidated by other developments, the dice would clearly be loaded against Veerappan and any ambitions that he may have been nursing.