The relationship context of human behaviour and development

Relationship Context of Social Behavior - Oxford Scholarship

the relationship context of human behaviour and development

A Systems Approach to the Study of Human Behavior if one wants to study the relationship of critical thinking and emotional development, The first level of the ecology or the context of human development (Bronfenbrenner, , Human behavior and development take place in nested ecological systems, which affect development directly and indirectly through effects on. However, human beings are coherent wholes, and behavioral development is unified, context and experience to shape the development of human behaviour .

Men and Women Are From Earth: Examining the latent structure of Gender. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. A critical analysis from the perspective of psychological science. Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 13, Marriage and long-term survival after coronary artery bypass grafting. A brief history of relationship research in social psychology, In A. Why researchers should think "real-world": Perceived partner responsiveness as an organizing theme for the study of relationships and well-being.

Perspectives on the situation. Perceived responses to capitalization attempts are influenced by self-esteem and relationship threat. Differentiation in the momentary rating of somatic symptoms covaries with trait emotional awareness in patients at risk for sudden cardiac death. Psychosomatic Medicine, 73, Familiarity does indeed promote attraction in live interaction.

the relationship context of human behaviour and development

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, In live interaction, does familiarity promote attration or contempt? A reply to Norton, Frost, and Ariely The smiles that newborns display during their first weeks constitute what is called reflex smiling and usually occur without reference to any external source or stimulus, including other people.

By two months, however, infants smile most readily in response to the sound of human voices, and by the third or fourth month they smile easily at the sight of a human face, especially one talking to or smiling at the infant.

Perception Research shows the achievement of extraordinary perceptual sophistication over the first months of life. The fetus is already sensitive to stimulation of its skin, especially in the area around the mouth, by the eighth week of intrauterine development.

Judging from their facial expressions when different substances are placed on their tongues, newborn infants apparently discriminate between bitter, salty, or sweet tastes ; they have an innate preference for sweet tastes and even prefer a sucrose solution to milk. Even newborn infants are sensitive to visual stimulation and attend selectively to certain visual patterns; they will track moving stimuli with their gaze and can discriminate among lights that vary in brightness.

They show a noticeable predilection for the sight of the human face, and by the first or second month they are able to discriminate between different faces by attending to the internal features—eyes, nose, and mouth. By the third month, infants can identify their mothers by sight and can discriminate between some facial expressions.

By the seventh month, they can recognize a particular person from different perspectives—for example, a full face versus a profile of that face. Infants can identify the same facial expression on the faces of different people and can distinguish male from female faces. Newborns can also hear and are sensitive to the location of a sound source as well as to differences in the frequency of the sound wave.

They also discriminate between louder and softer sounds, as indicated by the startle reflex and by rises in heart rate. Newborns can also discriminate among sounds of higher or lower pitch. Continuous rather than intermittent sounds and low tones rather than high-pitched ones are apparently those most soothing to infants.

Even young infants show a striking sensitivity to the tones, rhythmic flow, and individual sounds that together make up human speech. Japanese infants under nine months can discriminate between these two phonemes but lose that ability after one year because the language they hear does not require that discrimination. When an alert newborn is placed in a dark room, he opens his eyes and looks around for edges. These classes of stimuli tend to elicit the most prolonged attention during the first 8 to 10 weeks of life.

According to this principle, the infant is most likely to attend to those events that are moderately different from those he has been exposed to in the past.

For instance, by the third month, the infant has developed an internal representation of the faces of the people who care for him. Hence, a slightly distorted face—e. This discrepancy principle operates in other sensory modalities as well. Judgment Even infants less than one year old are capable of what appears to be complex perceptual judgments. They can estimate the distance of an object from their body, for example.

If an infant is shown a rattle and hears its distinctive sound and the room is then darkened, the infant will reach for the rattle if the sound indicates that the object can be grasped but will not reach if the sound indicates that it is beyond his grasp. More dramatically, infants will also reach for an object with a posture appropriate to its shape. If an infant sees a round object in the shape of a wheel and hears its distinctive sound and also sees a smaller rattle and hears its sound, he will reach in the dark with one hand in a grasping movement if he hears the sound of the rattle but will reach with both hands spread apart if he hears the sound associated with the wheel.

The four-month-old infant is also capable of rapidly learning to anticipate where a particular event will occur. After less than a minute of exposure to different scenes that alternate on the right and left side of their visual field, infants will anticipate that a picture is about to appear on the right side and will move their eyes to the right before the picture actually appears. Infants develop an avoidance reaction to the appearance of depth by the age of 8 to 10 months, when they begin to crawl.

This discovery was made on the surface of an apparatus called the visual cliff. The latter is a table divided into two halves, with its entire top covered by glass.

One half of the top has a checkerboard pattern lying immediately underneath the glass; the other half is transparent and reveals a sharp drop of a metre or so, at the bottom of which is the same checkerboard pattern. The infant is placed on a board on the centre of the table. The mother stands across the table and tries to tempt her baby to cross the glass on either the shallow or the deep side. Infants younger than seven months will unhesitatingly crawl to the mother across the deep side, but infants older than eight months avoid the deep side and refuse to cross it.

The crying and anxiety that eight-month-olds display when confronted with the need to cross the deep side are the result of their ability to perceive depth but also, and more importantly, their ability to recognize the discrepancy of sitting on a solid surface while nevertheless seeing the visual bottom some distance below.

Both nervous-system maturation and experience contribute to this particular cognitive advance. Finally, infants create perceptual categories by which to organize experience, a category being defined as a representation of the dimensions or qualities shared by a set of similar but not identical events. Infants will treat the different colours of the spectrum, for example, according to the same categories that adults recognize.

Thus, they show greater attentiveness when a shade of red changes to yellow than when a light shade of red merely replaces a darker shade of the same colour. Five-month-old infants can tell the difference between the moving pattern of lights that corresponds to a person walking and a randomly moving version of the same number of lights, suggesting that they have acquired a category for the appearance of a person walking. By one year of age, infants apparently possess categories for people, edible food, household furniture, and animals.

Finally, infants seem to show the capacity for cross-modal perception—i. Memory Infants make robust advances in both recognition memory and recall memory during their first year.

In recognition memory, the infant is able to recognize a particular object he has seen a short time earlier and hence will look at a new object rather than the older one if both are present side by side. Although newborns cannot remember objects seen more than a minute or two previously, their memory improves fairly rapidly over the first four or five months of life.

By one month they are capable of remembering an object they saw 24 hours earlier, and by one year they can recognize an object they saw several days earlier. Three-month-old infants can remember an instrumental response, such as kicking the foot to produce a swinging motion in a toy, that they learned two weeks earlier, but they respond more readily if their memory is strengthened by repeated performances of the action.

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By contrast, recall memory involves remembering retrieving the representation, or mental image an event or object that is not currently present. A six-month-old will not reach under the cloth for the hidden object, presumably because he has forgotten that the object was placed there.

A one-year-old, however, will reach for the object even after a second delay period, presumably because he is able to remember its being hidden in the first place. These improvements in recall memory arise from the maturation of circuits linking various parts of the brain together. The improvements enable the infant to relate an event in his environment to a similar event in the past.

The infant may also develop new fears, such as those of objects, people, or situations with which he is unfamiliar—i. The sensorimotor stage, in turn, was differentiated by Piaget into six subphases, the first four of which are achieved during the initial year.

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During the third phase, lasting from the 4th to the 8th month, the infant begins to repeat actions that produce interesting effects; for example, he may kick his legs to produce a swinging motion in a toy. In the fourth subphase, from the 8th to the 12th month, the child begins coordinating his actions to attain an external goal; he thus begins solving simple problems, building on actions he has mastered previously. For example, he may purposely knock down a pillow to obtain a toy hidden behind it.

the relationship context of human behaviour and development

During the fifth subphase, covering the 12th to 18th months, the child begins to invent new sensorimotor schemes in a form of trial-and-error experimentation. He may change his actions toward the same object or try out new ones to achieve a particular goal.

the relationship context of human behaviour and development

For example, if he finds that his arm alone is not long enough, he may use a stick to retrieve a ball that rolled beneath a couch. In the final subphase of infancy, which is achieved by about the 18th month, the child starts trying to solve problems by mentally imagining certain events and outcomes rather than by simple physical trial-and-error experimentation.

According to Piaget, the infant gradually learns that objects continue to exist even when they are no longer in view. Children younger than six months do not behave as if objects that are moved out of sight continue to exist; they may grab for objects they see but lose all interest once the objects are withdrawn from sight. However, infants of nine months or older do reach for objects hidden from view if they have watched them being hidden. Show such a child a toy placed in a box, put both under a cover, and then remove the box; the child will search under the cover as though he inferred the location of the toy.

Vocalizations The first of the two basic sounds made by infants includes all those related to crying; these are present even at birth. A second category, described as cooing, emerges at about eight weeks and includes sounds that progress to babbling and ultimately become part of meaningful speech. Almost all children make babbling sounds during infancy, and no relationship has been established between the amount of babbling during the first six months and the amount or quality of speech produced by a child at age two.

Vocalization in the young infant often accompanies motor activity and usually occurs when the child appears excited by something he sees or hears. Environmental influences ordinarily do not begin to influence vocalization seriously before two months of age; in fact, during the first two months of postnatal life, the vocalizations of deaf children born to deaf parents are indistinguishable from those of infants born to hearing parents.

The use of meaningful words differs from simple babbling in that speech primarily helps to obtain goals, rather than simply reflecting excitement. Every normal, healthy infant proceeds through a sequence of motor development that occurs spontaneously and requires no special training. The infant can reach for and grasp an object by about the 4th month and can grasp a small object between his thumb and forefinger by the 10th month. By 4 months of age most babies are able to sit up for a minute or so with support, and by 9 months they can do so without support for 10 minutes or more.

Most babies begin crawling i. By 10 months an infant can pull himself up to a standing position by holding onto an external support e. He is able to walk with help by 12 months and can walk unaided by 14 months.

The relationship context of human behavior and development.

By 18 months, with exposure to stairs, the average child can walk up and down them without help, and by his second birthday he can run, walk backward, and pick up an object from the floor without falling down.

Emotional development Emotions are distinct feelings or qualities of consciousnesssuch as joy or sadness, that reflect the personal significance of emotion-arousing events. The major types of emotions include fear, sadness, anger, surprise, excitement, guilt, shame, disgust, interest, and happiness.

the relationship context of human behaviour and development

These emotions develop in an orderly sequence over the course of infancy and childhood. Even during the first three or four months of life, infants display behavioral reactions suggestive of emotional states.

These reactions are indicated by changes in facial expression, motor activity, and heart rate and of course by smiling and crying. Infants show a quieting of motor activity and a decrease in heart rate in response to an unexpected event, a combination that implies the emotion of surprise. A second behavioral profile, expressed by increased movement, closing of the eyes, an increase in heart rate, and crying, usually arises in response to hunger or discomfort and is a distress response to physical privation.

A third set of reactions includes decreased muscle tone and closing of the eyes after feeding, which may be termed relaxation.

The relationship context of human behavior and development.

A fourth pattern, characterized by increased movement of the arms and legs, smiling, and excited babbling, occurs in response to moderately familiar events or social interaction and may be termed excitement.

In the period from 4 to 10 months, new emotional states appear. The crying and resistance infants display at the withdrawal of a favourite toy or at the interruption of an interesting activity can be termed anger. One-year-old infants are capable of displaying sadness in response to the prolonged absence of a parent.

Finally, infants begin displaying signs of the emotion of fear by their fourth to sixth month; a fearful response to novelty—i. If an infant at that age hears a voice speaking sentences but there is no face present, he may show a fearful facial expression and begin to cry.

By 7 to 10 months of age, an infant may cry when approached by an unfamiliar person, a phenomenon called stranger anxiety. A month or two later the infant may cry when his mother leaves him in an unfamiliar place; this phenomenon is called separation anxiety.

It is no accident that both stranger and separation anxiety first appear about the time the child becomes able to recall past events. If an infant is unable to remember that his mother had been present after she leaves the room, he will experience no feeling of unfamiliarity when she is gone.

Thus, the appearance of stranger and separation anxiety are dependent on the improvement in memorial ability. These emotions in young infants may not be identical to similar emotional states that occur in older children or adolescents, who experience complex cognitions in concert with emotion; these are missing in the young infant.

Thus, it may be an error to attribute to the young infant the same emotional states that one can assume are present in older children. Attachment Perhaps the central accomplishment in personality development during the first years of life is the establishment of specific and enduring emotional bonds, or attachment. The person to whom an infant becomes emotionally attached is termed the target of attachment.

Infants are biologically predisposed to form attachments with adults, and these attachments in turn form the basis for healthy emotional and social development throughout childhood. Infants depend on their targets of attachment not only for food, water, warmth, and relief from pain or discomfort but also for such emotional qualities as soothing and placatingplayconsolation, and information about the world around them.